By Nwankwo T. Nwaezeigwe, PhD
One flimsy excuse advanced by Peter Obi and his gullible and politically limbless Obidient quislings in support of their brooding unholy alliance with the Philistine Atiku Abubakar and the Amalekite Nasir el-Rfai is the assurance of Fulani support for Peter Obi’s Presidential ambition in 2027.
Regrettably, the question Peter Obi and his quisling followers refused to answer is, if they believe Peter Obi won the 2023 Presidential election, was it won or rigged by these same Fulani political rogues? Or is Peter Obi saying the alliance is to enable the Fulani rig him into power in 2027?
The number one truth is that no Fulani will support a truly Igbo Christian for the Presidency of the Federal Republic of Nigeria; unless Peter Obi has secretly converted to Islam like Senators Orji Uzor Kalu and Rochas Okorocha.
The number two truth is that no Fulani or Muslim has won the Presidency in Nigeria under a credible election except President Umaru Yar’Adua and the reason for that was because he contested against a fellow Fulani candidate.
The number three truth is that no Fulani or Muslim has won the Presidential election against a Christian candidate without outright rigging and active collaboration of Christian saboteurs against their fellow Christian Presidential candidate like the case of President Goodluck Jonathan in 2015.
The number four truth is that the only credible Presidential elections Christian Southerners contested against the Fulani were the 2003 and 2011 Presidential elections, in which the Christian candidates won against their Fulani opponents, in spite of the entire Muslim Northern States voting massively for their Muslim candidates.
These were the results of the 2003 Presidential election among the ten core Muslim States of the North:
- BAUCHI STATE:
Muhammadu Buhari ANPP 1,043,442 62.1
Olusegun OBASANJO * PDP 617,291 36.7 - BORNO STATE:
Muhammadu Buhari ANPP 727,595 65.0
Olusegun OBASANJO * PDP 380,875 34.0 - JIGAWA STATE:
Muhammadu Buhari ANPP 885,505 80.4
Olusegun OBASANJO * PDP 202,502 18.4 - KANO STATE:
Muhammadu Buhari ANPP 1,628,085 74.9
Olusegun OBASANJO * PDP 492,755 22.7 - KATSINA STATE:
Muhammadu Buhari ANPP 1,259,789 76.2
Olusegun OBASANJO * PDP 380,914 23.0 - KEBBI STATE:
Muhammadu Buhari ANPP 529,512 65.0
Olusegun OBASANJO * PDP 272,564 33.4 - NIGER STATE:
Muhammadu Buhari ANPP 390,103 39.7
Olusegun OBASANJO * PDP 486,621 49.5 - SOKOTO STATE:
Muhammadu Buhari ANPP 681,153 73.3
Olusegun OBASANJO * PDP 232,258 25.0 - YOBE STATE:
Muhammadu Buhari ANPP 383,583 64.0
Olusegun OBASANJO * PDP 206,984 34.5 - ZAMFARA STATE:
Muhammadu Buhari ANPP 843,159 80.0
Olusegun OBASANJO * PDP 200,702 19.0
These were the 2011 Presidential election results from the ten core Northern Muslim States:
PDP CPC ACN ANPP
- BAUCHI 258,404 1,315,209 16,674 8,777
- BORNO 207,075 909,763 7,533 37,279
- JIGAWA 491,252 663,994 17,353 7,676
- KANO 440,666 1,624,543 42,353 526,310
- KATSINA 428,392 1,163,919 10,945 6,342
- KEBBI 369,198 501,453 26,171 3,298
- NIGER 321,429 652,574 13,344 7,138
- SOKOTO 309,057 540,769 20,144 5,063
- YOBE 117,128 337,537 6,069 143,179
- ZAMFARA 238,180 624,515 17,970 46,554
These are the political variables any smart Christian seeking the Presidency of the Federal Republic of Nigeria should explore; and not to engage in suicidal political alliance with the same people majority of Nigerians loath for creating the current state of insecurity in Nigeria. Peter Obi’s political concubinage with the Fulani at this point of Nigeria’s history the blood of innocent Christians slaughtered by these people are crying for vengeance from us the living is nothing but an act of Judas Iscariot.
Peter Obi’s refusal for selfish political interest, to come out boldly against the on-going slaughter of Christians by the same Fulani he’s allying with not only makes him an accomplice to the killings but a coward unfit to lead the children of God out of the land of Egypt.
Muhammadu Buhari continued to preach jihad against Christians before his election as President; yet that did not stop some Christians from supporting him against their fellow Christian President Goodluck Jonathan. Atiku Abubakar has never opened his mouth to condemn the on-going Islamic banditry and insurgency; yet he has many Christian supporters.
Why can’t Peter Obi stand on the thrones of Justice, truth and courage and prove his capacity to lead Nigeria by openly condemning the on-going systematic decimation of Nigerian Christians by his Fulani masters? What is integrity if it is devoid of truth and courage? Churches, mainly Roman Catholic Churches and Schools are being closed in Benue State as a result of the same Fulani-sponsored banditry and insurgency and, Peter Obi as both a devout Catholic and man of integrity feels that keeping quiet and allying with these same murderers of Christians will lead him to his political Eldorado.
Does Peter Obi in his wildest imagination think by adorning himself in Northern Muslim caftan and long cap to match, visiting and donating millions of naira to Almajiri terrorist training camps will change the above pattern of voting? I worked under his present Director General Mr. Akin Osuntokun in Publicity and Research Unit for Obasanjo/Atiku Campaign Organization at Legacy House Abuja in 2003; and I am surprised that such a fine gentleman should be at the head of Peter Obi’s journey of political hara-kiri.
These are the truths of the matter before us the besieged Nigerian Christians which some gullible Igbo ethnic bigots will consider anybody who voices anti-Igbo or Igbo-hater. A colleague from University of Nigeria, Nsukka Prof Florence Orabueze from Anambra State accused me few days ago of anti-Igbo. Yet there’s nothing in her intellectual kitty that suggests any contribution towards the emancipation of the same Igbo.
Similarly, some days ago, a very trusted friend from Anambra State who has invested so much in my present struggles, Dr. Chukwukadibia Odunukwe led some of his Anambra State kinsmen in an abortive attempt to unseat me as the President of International Coalition against Christian Genocide in Nigeria, for the same reason of being an anti-Igbo from Delta State, as well as being pro-President Donald Trump.
The fact however remains that none of these two people, their contemporaries or even my contemporaries in Igboland can match my dedication, patriotism and selfless sacrifice to the Igbo cause up to the present stage. The fact is if you are a non-Southeast Igbo fighting for Igbo cause, you are a political orphan. This is one of the fundamental examples of the Igbo culture of self-destruct which is cankerworm that has eaten deep into intra-Igbo ethnic relations.
This customary act of self-destruct is often more viciously displayed if the actor is an Igbo outside the core-Southeast geo-political zone. The Igbo of the Southeast will take delight in criticizing the leaders of other ethnic groups without being branded haters of such ethnic groups. But once it comes to the matter of criticizing an Igbo leader, the critic becomes an Igbo-hater or anti-Igbo. But who cares when from the records the Igbo hate themselves more than they assume other ethnic groups hate them.
The point however is that such opinion coming from people considered educated and intellectually enlightened makes one look at the Igbo, particularly the Igbo of the Southeast geopolitical zone as a people bereft of both historical consciousness and self-criticism in moral and political judgments.
Can someone imagine that while Fulani bandits are currently overrunning the entire Southeast, instead of finding ways to coordinate with the Middle Belt for self-defense, some gullible Igbo intellectuals like Prof Florence Orabueze are mocking the Middle Belt for the attack by Fulani Muslim bandits?
In essence, these acts of self-destruct coalesce into what I succinctly describe as harebrained tribalism which is synonymous with self-destructive idealpolitik. In other words, while both the Fulani and Yoruba apply reflective tribalism constructed on both strong historical consciousness and assertive self-judgmental collective actions, the Igbo engage in self-destructive intra-ethnic pettiness that places them on the platter of use and dump politics by both the Fulani and Yoruba.
I am not saying that this vile accusation of being anti-Igbo is limited to Anambra State alone, or represents the standing opinion of the entire people of Anambra State and the whole Southeast; but it has often remained the dominant ethno-political tradition of the Igbo of the Southeast that unless a pro-Igbo or pro-Nigerian struggle is led by the core-Igbo of Southeast geopolitical zone, such movement must be pulled down.
In other words, when it comes to mobilization for the particular interest of the Igbo of the Southeast, it becomes an entire Igbo affair for both Delta and Rivers States, including the Igbo of Edo, Kogi, Benue, Cross River and, Akwa Ibom States. But when it comes to the sharing of the booties whether political or otherwise, it becomes Southeast geopolitical affair.
This was what happened to Major Chukwuma Kaduna Nzeogwu that led to both the failure of the January 15, 1966 coup and his calculated elimination by the rebel Biafran leadership. Because the coup was led by Major Nzeogwu, a Western Igbo, Lt. Col Chukwuemeka Odumegwu Ojukwu opposed the coup from his Kano base. He once boasted of having advised Major J. T. U. Aguiyi-Ironsi to take over the government instead of allowing Nzeogwu to assume control.
Again, because the coup was led by Major Nzeogwu, a Western Igbo native, with the intention of handing over power to the incarcerated Chief Obafemi Awolowo, Major Emmanuel Ifeajuna and his Southeast Igbo co-conspirators decided to engage in ethnically-driven killings, sparing all the Igbo senior military and political leaders against their original plan with Major Nzeogwu, thereby painting the coup as an Igbo ethnic intention. Ridiculously, these are the same people accusing Major Chukwuma Nzeogwu of being the major cause of Igbo problem today.
This was what happened to me at several stages of my pro-Igbo struggles and continued even till date. While in Nigeria running for my life against the onslaught of Nigerian security agencies, I continued to evade arrest and elimination by Nigeria’s Directorate of State Security (DSS) throughout the length and breadth of Nigeria.
But it was a trusted Igbo friend from Abba in Njikoka Local Government Area of Anambra State named Dr. Uchenna Nweke, popularly known as Ozowalu and Beke na Abba who invited DSS officials at around 2:00 am to his house where I had fled for refugee on my recoil escape from Lagos, to pick me up and eliminate me. It was in the process of that incident that I got part of my pelvic arch broken, which confined me to clutches for more than six years.
This again happened when a collection of Igbo egg-heads gathered at Gregory University, Uturu Abia State to make a declaration on Igbo presidency of the Federal Republic of Nigeria under the aegis of World Igbo Summit Group (WISG) in 2016, with Major General Ike Nwachukwu (rtd) as Chairman and late Col. J. O. Achuzia as Vice Chairman; including such prominent Anioma (Western Igbo) intellectuals as Prof Pat Utomi, the then Okilolo of Asaba and now the Asagba of Asaba His Royal Majesty Obi (Prof) Epiphany Azinge, SAN, with myself as the Director of Public Affairs.
It was a great event facilitated by the Chancellor of Gregory University, Prof. Gregory Ibeh and the Director General Dr. Ifedi Okwenna, former Anambra State Commissioner under Peter Obi and later Special Assistant to Okwadike Dr. Chukwuemeka Ezeife during his short role as Political Adviser to President Olusegun Obasanjo. Both men tirelessly facilitated this unprecedented gathering of the best crops of Igbo leadership across professions, ages and sub-ethnic zones of Igboland that attracted the envy of the then President General of Ohaneze Ndigbo Chief Nnia Nwodo.
With such prominent and respected Southeast Igbo leaders as Chief Simeon Okeke, Prof Joe Irukwu, Dr. Chukwuemeka Ezeife and Prof George Obiozor, among others, WISG was touted as the apex of all Igbo apex organizatins. Coming with two laudable projects—Igbo Presidency of the Federal Republic of Nigeria and 50-year Igbo Vision Plan, the group was seen as the unquestionable pedestal for collective Igbo consciousness and unity. Unfortunately these two noble projects were slaughtered on the altar of Igbo sectional particularism.
The first shot of this act of Igbo sectionalism came when the issue of Igbo Presidency of the Federal Republic of Nigeria was reduced to Southeast geopolitical question, thereby excluding the Igbo of South-South geopolitical zone.
To actualize that dastard act, Senator Anyim Pius Anyim was invited to deliver a watery keynote lecture in which he advanced the exclusion of the Igbo of Delta and Rivers States from the Igbo Presidency quest, arguing that with President Goodluck Jonathan coming from South-South geopolitical zone, the Igbo of Delta and Edo States had taken their Presidential slot. This was followed by the recruitment of the respected Ijaw leader Chief Edwin Clark who boldly came out to declare that the Igbo of Delta and Rivers States were not included in the Igbo slot for Presidency.
The question here is what difference would it have made if the likes of Prof Pat Utomi and Prof Epiphany Azinge were allowed to contest the Nigerian Presidency under the slot of Igbo ethnic demand? Shamefully enough, at the end of the day, all the Southeast Presidential aspirants including Senator Anyim Pius Anyim collapsed as packs of wood. Did such action represent people who are sincerely in quest of Igbo ethnic unity, much more presenting a credible President of the Federal Republic of Nigeria?
Similarly, almost at the same time the ill-fated sectional Igbo Presidency was advanced, the so-called Igbo 50-Year Vision was ignominiously reduced to Southeast 50-Year Vision Plan, again willfully excluding the Igbo of Delta and Rivers States, the same people included in the so-called Ohaneze Ndigbo. Indeed, going through the online news accounts of the 50-Year Vision Plan, there was no place where Delta and Rivers States were mentioned as forming the original parts of the 50-Year Vision.
Every piece of information presented centered on the five Southeast States of Abia, Anambra, Ebonyi, Enugu and Imo. This was the same organization I was appointed the pioneer Director of Public Affairs as a representative of Delta Igbo and Col. J. O. Achuzia was elected the pioneer Vice Chairman as a representative of the Igbo of Delta State. How can this be defended by our Southeast Igbo kinsmen? To put it this way, who are the real anti-Igbo or Igbo-haters?h
Indeed, if these actions were not clear cases of intrusive intra-Igbo tribalism, then they are clear cases of rebellion against collective Igbo consciousness, cohesive Igbo patriotism and transcendental Igbo unity. The dare consequences of these rebellious acts are first, lack of trust among the Igbo of the Southeast themselves. The five Southeast States do not seem to have common vision on common political, economic, religious and, security issues, the way the Southwest is seen today.
How can other ethnic groups take the Igbo Sates as models? Can this kind of bare-faced intra-ethnic sectionalism take place between the Yoruba of the Southwest and their Kwara and Kogi State ethnic kinsmen; or between the Fulani of the core-North and those of the Middle Belt?
When people say the Igbo are the most “tribalistic” of all the ethnic groups in Nigeria, the Igbo would often accuse the Yoruba otherwise.
I prefer to use the more pungent term “tribalism” than the less corrosive “ethnicity” to emphasize the degree of intensity or seriousness of the matter. The fact is that the Yoruba love themselves and only apply tribalism as a protective cover for collective ethnic interests. On the other hand, the Igbo misapply tribalism to the point of self-destruct, while turning around to blame other ethnic groups for their own ethnic predicament.
The second consequence is the acute instinct of political self-centeredness on the part of both political and non-political Southeast leaders. No one is willing to invest his resources on the development of satellite States of Igbo political interests the same way Bola Tinubu did during and after his tenure as Governor of Lagos State and continues to apply the same technique with reckless abandon as President at present.
This is the same technique the Fulani have been using right from the time of Sir Ahmadu Bello till date. APGA has remained entrenched as Anambra State native political party unwilling to invest in expansion to other States because of this instinctive Igbo self-centeredness. The Igbo man will rather receive as the object of political investment by other ethnic groups than give out as a political investor, in which other ethnic groups are his objects of political investment.
How can you aspire to the higher role of Presidency of the Federal Republic of Nigeria if you cannot invest politically on other ethnic groups at the State level? This is the particular reason Labour Party under Peter Obi could not create the least impacts during the recent past Governorship elections in Edo and Edo States after the much touted popularity of the Obidient movement. Instead Peter Obi goes around creating infantile impressions of cosmetic political integrity and fictitious popularity.
The third consequence is the creation of generations of self-centered dangerously degraded quisling Igbo political and business leaders lacking in defined proactive political ideology and economic vision. The result of this attitude is the creation of a magnetic field of vicious political brides in Igboland east of the Niger for Fulani and Yoruba political suitors. For the Fulani and Yoruba, it is ethnic political power first before economic power; while for the Igbo it is individual economic power first before political power.
Let us take a roll-call of these iniquitous Igbo political quislings in the service of the political interests of the Fulani oligarchy and, how their actions created the present state of Igbo political predicament in Nigeria. Ironically, these anti-Igbo Fulani quislings are the Igbo heroes of today who the ideologically blind-folded Igbo ethnic bigots would not like anybody to criticize for any reason.
It needs to be stated that the enabling political environment that created the 1966 pogrom were created by inept Igbo political and military leaders who saw themselves as political slaves to the Fulani oligarchy, without regard to the fact that the same Fulani saw the Igbo as their sacrificial political animals for their political ascendency in Nigeria. This trend of political slavery to the Fulani oligarchy which started from Dr. Nnamdi Azikiwe is presently continued by Peter Obi.
Between 1960 and 1964 Dr. Nnamdi Azikiwe for selfish political reasons, worked as a junior political partner with the same Fulani that murdered over 50 Igbo residents in Jos in 1945 and, repeated the same in Kano in 1953. Throughout those four years, all major Federal establishments were concentrated in Zaria and Kaduna and none in Enugu or Port Harcourt.
Throughout that same period the Middle Belt and South-South geopolitical zones, including the Anglophone Southern Cameroon, were craving for regional independence. While Dr. Azikiwe colluded with Sir Ahnadu Bello to create Midwest Region out of Western Region primarily as a punitive measure against the influence of Chief Obafemi Awolowo, the same Azikiwe colluded with Sir Ahmadu Bello to suppress the Middle Belt, Cross River-Ogoja-Rivers and Anglophone Cameroon State Movements.
Anglophone Southern Cameroon left Southern Nigeria in 1962 to join Francophone Cameroon because of Dr. Azikiwe’s self-centeredness, thereby reducing the population of Christian Southern Nigeria against the dominant Muslim North. Sir Ahmadu Bello on the other hand, in his wisdom manipulated the Anglophone Northern Cameroon to stay in Nigeria. These are the present Adamawa and Taraba States.
Indeed, if Sir Ahmadu Bello were to be Dr. Nnamdi Azikiwe, Adamawa and Taraba States would have been part of the Republic of Cameroon today. On the other hand, it took General Yakubu Gowon in 1967 to answer his people’s aspirations for freedom from Fulani domination and those of the Eastern Region minorities from Igbo domination through the creation of the balanced twelve-State structure which Murtala Mohammed overturned in 1975.
This was one of the fundamental political variables that guided these people’s opposition against the Igbo in both the implementation of the Aburi Accord and the subsequent civil war. Every episode in history has causes and consequences. It is morally illogical for any group to speak of the consequences without looking at the causes.
Unfortunately the Igbo always talk about the consequences without considering the causes. The principle of moral judgment demands the application of self-judgment before judging others. The Igbo on their part see self-judgment as abhorrence to their highfalutin ethnic pride.
Major Isaac Adaka Boro led an insurrection against the Federal Government, declaring the Niger Delta Republic in 1966. He was suppressed by the regime of Major General Aguiyi-Ironsi and clamped in detention. Aguiyi-Ironsi was an Igbo man. Of course if I were an Ijaw man at that point, I would not have supported both the Aburi Accord and Biafra secession, because that would have meant consolidation of the same Igbo domination I had craved to free myself from.
As I wrote elsewhere, the 1966 pogrom was not fundamentally orchestrated by the killing of the Sarduana of Sokoto which was highly celebrated by both Northerners and Southerners. The pogrom was indeed the .consequence of orchestrated mismanagement of the fall-out of the coup by the Igbo who accidentally found themselves at the helms of affairs.
General Aguiyi-Ironsi came to power by the accident of Igbo ethnic conspiracy without the knowledge of Major Chukwuma Nzeogwu to undermine the original plan of Chief Obafemi Awolowo taking over as Interim Prime Minister. He came with the acute political naivety of a robotic Igbo ethnic bigot designed for the purpose of enhancing the already flattened political fortunes of Sokoto Caliphate.
Aguiyi-Ironsi with his Igbo advisers did not see any wisdom in the unconditional release of Chief Obafemi Awolowo from prison, relying in most parts on the advice of the Fulani-born Military Governor of Northern Group of Provinces Lt. Col Hassan Usman Katsina, who argued that releasing Chief Awolowo would create further conflicts in Nigeria. Who said the Fulani are not wiser than the Igbo? Hassan Usman Katsina knew that the release of Chief Awolowo would tilt Yoruba support in favor of the Igbo. General Yakubu Gowon did it just two days after taking over power and, some short-sighted Igbo are cursing Chief Awolowo for standing with General Gowon during the civil war.
Of course if General Aguiyi-Ironsi had released Chief Awolowo, the Yoruba would not have supported the North in the civil war. But those Igbo members and sympathizers of Azikiwe’s NCNC who joined the Fulani NPC in imprisoning Chief Awolowo loathed his freedom; especially with the claim that January 15, 1966 coup had the objective of installing him as Interim Prime Minister.
General Aguiyi-Ironsi forgot to acknowledge the fact that those soldiers who followed Major Nzeogwu to kill Sir Ahmadu Bello and supported his rule for three days in Northern Region were majority Northerners who not only disliked the Sokoto Caliphate but constituted the majority of the combatant corps of the Nigerian Army at the time. Aguiyi-Ironsi ignominiously ignored these people and concentrated on pleasing the mortal enemies of both his Igbo ethnic group and these people that dominated the Nigerian Army, who saw the death of Sir Ahmadu Bello as liberation from their oppressors.
General Aguiyi-Ironsi in spite of repeated appeals by prominent leaders of Middle Belt led by Joseph Tarka, refused to release the thirty-five Tiv activists imprisoned by Sir Ahmadu Bello because the Sokoto Caliphate told him that releasing them would mean working against the interests of Sokoto Caliphate. It took General Gowon two days in office to release them, and some Igbo ethnic bigots are criticizing the Middle Belt soldiers for overthrowing Aguiyi-Ironsi and fighting against Biafra’s secession.
It is important to note that no Fulani or Hausa senior army officer was killed on January 15, 1966, because the highest ranking Hausa-Fulani army officer at that point was Major Usman Katsina, who was even promoted Lt. Col by Aguiyi-Ironsi above other Middle Belt officers senior to him and, subsequently appointed Military Governor. When the Middle Belt needed Igbo help as their elder brothers, the Igbo supported their Fulani enemies; the same Fulani enemies that killed the Igbo in 1945 and 1953 for no reason and subsequently led the pogrom against the Igbo.
In May 1966, while the Fulani were busy killing the Igbo, Lt. Col Chukwuemeka Odumegwu Ojukwu was busy installing the Emir of Kano Alhaji Ado Bayero as Chancellor of University of Nigeria, Nsukka, after removing the founder of the University Dr. Nnamdi Azikiwe. The question is how far did Ojukwu’s pro-Fulani gestures of both sabotaging the January 15, 1966 coup and installing Alhaji Ado Bayero Chancellor of University of Nigeria, Nsukka deter the same Fulani from carrying out the worst act of the 1966 pogrom against the Igbo in Kano?
Lt. Col Odumegwu Ojukwu was granted pardon by the Fulani-led Federal Government of President Shehu Shagari for leading a secession in which he proclaimed the same Fulani as the eternal enemy of the Igbo. Instead of staying honorably out of politics as General Yakubu Gowon did, he turned himself into a mercenary of the same Fulani enemies to destroy Dr. Nnamdi Azikiwe, creating unimaginable state of insecurity through his Ikemba Front in Igboland. Today that insecurity is standing tall and firm in Southeast Igboland like his statue at the Onitsha end of the Niger Head Bridge.
During the Second Republic, while the people of the present Anambra and Enugu States and Abakiliki part of Ebonyi State were busy destroying Dr. Nnamdi Azikiwe in favor of Fulani political interests under the National Party of Nigeria (NPN), the people of the present Plateau and Nasarawa States led by Chief Solomon Lar stood firm with Dr. Azikiwe under Nigerian People’s Party (NPP).
Today the same Igbo leaders are still propelled by the same Fulani spell of political intimidation and slavery, opting to remain the political slaves of the same Fulani leaders who continue to instigate the killing of the Igbo and their Christian brethren of other ethnic groups till date. Indeed, any Igbo leader at this point of Nigeria’s history who condescends to the level of a Fulani political slave is not qualified to be elected the President of the Federal Republic of Nigeria. This is the case against Peter Obi who has decided to seek the help of the Philistines to lead the children of God.
At this point of Nigeria’s history, what the Igbo should be striving for is to mend fences with the Christians of the Middle Belt, South-South, Southwest and upper North through the conduit of commonality in Christianity; the same manner the Fulani are applying Islam as their political weapon of mobilization.
Unfortunately the current class of short-sighted and self-centered Igbo leadership led by Peter Obi does not see such as a noble political project worthy of investment; rather what they are trying to do is to drag the Igbo back to Fulani Islamic Egypt to serve their inordinate political ambitions.
Let me conclude by stating that as the President of International Coalition against Christian Genocide in Nigeria I have zero tolerance for any Nigeria Christian political or Church leader who talks about 2027 General elections and does not consider as extremely heinous and morally despicable the on-going systematic slaughter of Nigerian Christian citizens by the Fulani-led led jihadists in different despicable terrorist robes.
How can we be having sleepless nights about 2027 General election while Fulani-led Islamic insurgents are having sleepless nights systematically slaughtering those who should vote in the same election? Even our Christian soldiers and Police officers fighting the same Islamic insurgents are being systematically eliminated by their Muslim comrades-at-arms through set-up ambushes and orchestrated sabotage invasions of their military bases. This is absurd and must be utterly unacceptable to every Nigerian Christian who considers himself a freeborn Nigerian citizen.
